Char Chaporis

Char Chaporis Months ahead of the Assembly elections, a proposed “Miya museum” reflecting the “culture and heritage of the people living in char-chaporis” has stirred up a controversy in Assam. What is the controversy? Months ahead of the Assembly elections, a proposed “Miya museum” reflecting the “culture and heritage of the people living in char-chaporis” has stirred up a controversy in Assam. What is the controversy? Last month, Assam BJP minister Himanta Biswa Sarma tweeted out a letter from Congress MLA Sherman Ali that requested the government to expedite the process of constructing a museum “reflecting the culture and heritage of the people living in char-chaporis” in Guwahati’s Srimanta Sankardeva Kalakshetra. Char-chaporis are shifting riverine islands of the Brahmaputra and are primarily inhabited by the Muslims of Bengali-origin (pejoratively referred to as ‘Miyas’). There is no separate identity and culture in Char Anchal of Assam as most of the people had migrated from Bangladesh. Obviously, in Srimanta Sankardeva Kalakshetra, which is the epitome of Assamese culture. In response, the Opposition has accused the BJP of trying to polarise the state before 2021 elections. Incidentally, the museum was recommended in March by a legislative panel — Departmentally Related Standing Committee (DRSC) on Education — comprising BJP and its allies. Asked about this, Sarma told reporters: “Whatever committee, whosoever’s committee has given whatever report… that report will just remain in their files in their cupboards only. The Assam government is clear that in the Kalakshetra there will not be any ‘Miya museum’. What are char-chaporis? A char is a floating island while chaporis are low-lying flood-prone riverbanks. “They are used interchangeably or with a hyphen… They keep changing shapes — a char can become a chapori, or vice versa, depending on the push and pull of the Brahmaputra,”. The website of the Directorate of Char Areas Development puts the population of chars at 24.90 lakh as per a socio-economic survey in 2002-03. Prone to floods and erosion, these areas are marked by low development indices. “80% of the Char population lives below poverty line,” states the website. A UNDP Assam Human Development report from 2014 describes the char areas as suffering from “communication deficits, lack of adequate schooling facilities beyond primary, girl child marriage, poverty and illiteracy”. While Bengali-origin Muslims primarily occupy these islands, other communities such as Misings, Deoris, Kocharis, Nepalis also live here. In popular imagination, however, chars have become synonymous to the Bengali-speaking Muslims of dubious nationality. How do the Miyas identify themselves? Over the years, the Miyas have often been stereotyped and derided as “Bangladeshi”. “That’s an odd term to use since the community’s roots in Assam are much older than 1971 when Bangladesh was born,” said political scientist Dr Sanjib Baruah. “It is a very complex community — many are generations removed from immigrant ancestors. Over the years, the community has tried to integrate into the larger Assamese society, by speaking Assamese, sending their children to Assamese schools and declaring Assamese as their language since the 1951 census.” The community had a significant presence in Assamese literary and cultural life. Prominent Assamese personalities such as the late human rights activist-journalist Parag Kumar Das have made efforts for greater acceptance of char dwellers. “The first Assamese school in a char area was set up as far back in 1899 “Today, the community is not just made up of farmers, drivers and labourers. There are doctors, writers, researchers, engineers — but no one wants to recognise that.” Why a claim of a distinct culture? While identifying as Assamese, the ‘Miya’ community feels that like other ethnic groups, they too should celebrate their own culture and heritage within the larger Assamese fold. Mirza Lutfar Rahman, who runs a YouTube channel, ‘Mi-Chang stories’ that showcases char culture, said the community’s cultural motifs and heritage are related to agriculture and the river. The community has a variety of songs (bhatiali related to the river, magan geet or harvest songs, noi khelor geet or boat songs etc), instruments and equipment to catch fish, as well as different kinds of boats. “While this heritage may or may not have similarities with residents of present-day Bangladesh, it is unique to Assam’s char dwellers because it is a product of a hundred years of assimilation with the Assamese society,” . “For example, we have an ancient performative martial art called the Lathibari. While the norm is to traditionally wear colourful clothes, our version has us donning a white vest and dhoti, an Assamese gamosa on our heads and waists — these are unmissable Assamese elements. Why a claim of a distinct culture? While identifying as Assamese, the ‘Miya’ community feels that like other ethnic groups, they too should celebrate their own culture and heritage within the larger Assamese fold. Mirza Lutfar Rahman, who runs a YouTube channel, ‘Mi-Chang stories’ that showcases char culture, said the community’s cultural motifs and heritage are related to agriculture and the river. The community has a variety of songs (bhatiali related to the river, magan geet or harvest songs, noi khelor geet or boat songs etc), instruments and equipment to catch fish, as well as different kinds of boats. “While this heritage may or may not have similarities with residents of present-day Bangladesh, it is unique to Assam’s char dwellers because it is a product of a hundred years of assimilation with the Assamese society,” . “For example, we have an ancient performative martial art called the Lathibari. While the norm is to traditionally wear colourful clothes, our version has us donning a white vest and dhoti, an Assamese gamosa on our heads and waists — these are unmissable Assamese elements. Mains Answer Writing Practice  Why are some Assamese uncomfortable with that? The museum has been proposed in the Kalakshetra, which is a cultural complex in Guwahati named after neo-Vaishnavite reformer Srimanta Sankardev, and which was set up as part of Clause 6 (“… to protect, preserve and promote the cultural, social, linguistic identity and heritage of the Assamese people”) of the Assam Accord,

RBI proposes 4-tier structure for tighter regulation of NBFCs

RBI proposes 4-tier structure for tighter regulation of NBFCs The Reserve Bank of India (RBI) has proposed a tighter regulatory framework for non-banking financial companies (NBFCs) by creating a four-tier structure with a progressive increase in intensity of regulation. In its discussion paper on revised regulatory framework for NBFCs, the RBI has said the regulatory and supervisory framework of NBFCs should be based on a four-layered structure: Base Layer, Middle Layer, Upper Layer and a possible Top Layer. It has also proposed classification of non-performing assets (NPAs) of base layer NBFCs from 180 days to 90 days overdue. NBFCs in lower layer will be known as NBFC-Base Layer (NBFC-BL). NBFCs in middle layer will be known as NBFC-Middle Layer (NBFC-ML). An NBFC in the Upper Layer will be known as NBFC-Upper Layer (NBFC-UL) and will invite a new regulatory superstructure. There is also a Top Layer, ideally supposed to be empty. Once an NBFC is identified as NBFC-UL, it will be subject to enhanced regulatory requirement at least for four years from its last appearance in the category, even where it does not meet the parametric criteria in the subsequent year. “Hence, if an identified NBFC-UL does not meet the criteria for classification for four consecutive years, it will move out of the enhanced regulatory framework,”. The NBFC sector has seen tremendous growth in recent years. In last five years alone, size of balance sheet of NBFCs (including HFCs) has more than doubled from Rs 20.72 lakh crore (2015) to Rs 49.22 lakh crore (2020). BASE LAYER: If the framework is visualised as a pyramid, the bottom of the pyramid, where least regulatory intervention is warranted, can consist of NBFCs, currently classified as non-systemically important NBFCs (NBFC-ND), NBFCP2P lending platforms, NBFCAA, NOFHC and Type I NBFCs. MIDDLE LAYER: As one moves up, the next layer can consist of NBFCs currently classified as systemically important NBFCs (NBFC-ND-SI), deposit taking NBFCs (NBFC-D), housing finance companies, IFCs, IDFs, SPDs and core investment companies. The regulatory regime for this layer will be stricter compared to the base layer. Adverse regulatory arbitrage vis-à-vis banks can be addressed for NBFCs falling in this layer in order to reduce systemic risk spill-overs, where required, the RBI said. UPPER LAYER: Going further, the next layer can consist of NBFCs which are identified as systemically significant among. This layer will be populated by NBFCs which have large potential of systemic spill-over of risks and have the ability to impact financial stability. There is no parallel for this layer at present, as this will be a new layer for regulation. The regulatory framework for NBFCs falling in this layer will be bank-like, albeit with suitable and appropriate modifications. TOP LAYER: It is possible that considered supervisory judgment might push some NBFCs from out of the upper layer of the systemically significant NBFCs for higher regulation/supervision. These NBFCs will occupy the top of the upper layer as a distinct set. Ideally, this top layer of the pyramid will remain empty unless supervisors take a view on specific NBFCs. In other words, if certain NBFCs lying in the upper layer are seen to pose extreme risks as per supervisory judgement, they can be put to higher and bespoke regulatory/supervisory requirements. In view of the recent stress in the sector, it has become imperative to re-examine the suitability of this regulatory approach, especially when failure of an extremely large NBFC can precipitate systemic risks, the RBI paper said. The regulatory framework for NBFCs needs to be reoriented to keep pace with changing realities in the financial sector. Read Also Allowing Corporates to own Bank Enroll today with the best civils service academy and take your first step towards your Civils journey. Feel free to reach out to us for any inquiries, collaborations, or support. We’re here to help. join now

Role of Women in Electoral Politics

Role of Women in Electoral Politics The participation of women in politics not only comprises interactions in elections but also involves participation in trade unions, co-operatives, women’s collectives, informal and formal politics. A historical overview of women’s rights generally and of participation in electoral competition both chronologically and thematically traces its origin to the Swadeshi movement in Bengal (1905–8), which marked the beginning of Indian women’s participation in nationalist activities and also brought the question of women’s suffrage and voting rights to the forefront . Tracing the origins of the women’s suffrage movement in India, observes that the insistence of organised women to be treated as equals of men emerged not from perceptions of the needs of women in India but from the influence of certain British women. Thus, the origins of the movement for women’s suffrage in India in the early twentieth century. Significance: As an indicator of equality and freedom, it cuts across genders in sharing political power and providing liberty and space to women within the democratic framework of electoral politics. The 1950 Constitution of India promised in the Preamble to secure to all its citizens ‘JUSTICE, social, economic and political’, as well as ‘EQUALITY of status and of opportunity’ . Despite this clear-cut constitutional mandate for providing equality to women in the public domain, including electoral politics, prejudice and discrimination against women in India continue even after 70 years of independence. This opens up important debates on organising politics around difference ,The representation of women in the Lower House (Lok Sabha) of India’s Parliament does not at all mirror the gender demographics of the country. The presence of women after 15 Lok Sabha elections is still only a notch above the halfway mark of the world average of 22 per cent representation of women, with India ranked 141 among 193 countries (Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2016). India had 65 women out of 545 members of Parliament (MPs) elected to the 16th Lok Sabha in May 2014, for a 12% representation. Only the 15th and 16th Lok Sabha changed a previously stagnant representation of under 9% recorded by Indian women MPs since Independence. The 73rd and 74th amendments to the Indian Constitution reserve one-third of local body seats for women. Reservation for one-third of the seats for women in the Lok Sabha has been tabled as a bill several times until as recently as 2008. Women in India have largely failed to acquire the critical mass required to introduce gender perspectives in political decision-making processes at higher levels and to promote gender-friendly legislation . Similarly, the number of women representatives in most state legislatures in India remains below the world mark, indicating a pan-Indian pattern of gender exclusion in electoral politics, under-representation in legislative bodies and the necessity of continuing quests to achieve gender parity in sharing political power with men. Challenges: Imbalanced representation of women Patriarchal and male dominated in nature Socio-Cultural factors:Cultural expectation about mother role are defined as ideal and expected of all women, these expectation tends overburden women. Religion Economic Factor Lack of Consensus Lack of intra party democracy Which is the best test series for UPSC Check Now Way Forward: Women’s should have equal rights with men in the political, social, economic and cultural spheres. Even though constitution guarantees women equal right in all spheres socio-cultural factors need to be adapted to modern ethos of equality. Both education and health are important for women to be able to play role in politics at local, state or central level. There is need to reinforce with in society and women about their right to property. Reform in electoral politics Social awareness campaigns Initiatives of government for empowering women Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) Swayam Siddha Scheme for Working Women Hostel STEP (Support to Training and Employment Programme for Women) Swarnjayanti Gram Swarozgar Yojana Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan Indira Gandhi Matritva Sahyog Yojana (IGMSY) Enroll today with the best civils service academy and take your first step towards your Civils journey. Feel free to reach out to us for any inquiries, collaborations, or support. We’re here to help. join now

FAME India Scheme

FAME India Scheme The second phase of FAME India Scheme, over 27,000 electric vehicles have been supported till September 10 this year by way of demand incentive amounting to about Rs 95 crore. In a written reply to the Lok Sabha, Heavy Industries and Public Enterprises Minister Prakash Javadekar said further 5,595 electrical buses have been sanctioned to various state/ city transport undertakings under Phase-II of the scheme. This involves government incentive of around Rs 2,800 crore. “Under Phase-II of this scheme Scheme, 27,201 electric vehicles have been supported till 10.09.2020 by way of demand incentive amounting to about Rs 95 crore,”. The department of heavy industryhas also sanctioned 2,636 electric vehicles (EVs) charging stations amounting to Rs 500 crore in 62 cities across 24 states/UTs under FAME India (Faster Adoption and Manufacturing of Hybrid and Electric Vehicles in India) scheme phase II. Ojectives of FAME India Scheme: The scheme is to encourage faster adoption of electric and hybrid vehicles by way of offering upfront incentive on purchase of electric vehicles and also by way of establishing necessary charging infrastructure for EV. The second phase of the scheme will be implemented over a period of three years with effect from April 1, 2019.It is the expanded version of the present scheme FAME India I (Faster Adoption and Manufacturing of (Hybrid) and Electric Vehicles (FAME) which was launched on April 1, 2015. The government follows a policy of disinvestmentthrough minority stake sale and strategic disinvestment.“The policy of strategic disinvestment is followed in respect of the CPSEs (Central Public Sector Enterprises) which are not in the priority sector. For this purpose, NITI Aayog has been mandated to identify such CPSEs based on the criteria of national security; sovereign functions at arm’s length, and market imperfections and public purpose,”.As per the information furnished by MSME, a number of Rs 2133 crore is owed by CPSEs to MSMEs (Micro, Small & Medium Enterprises). Read Also Faceless Tax Scheme Enroll today with the best civils service academy and take your first step towards your Civils journey. Feel free to reach out to us for any inquiries, collaborations, or support. We’re here to help. join now

Release Bhima Koregaon activists: U.N. human rights body

Release Bhima Koregaon activists – UN human rights body The United Nations Human Rights Office has urged the Indian government to release the activists arrested in the 2018 Bhima Koregaon case, “at the very least on bail”. “We continue to be concerned about the situation of activists detained in India, including in the context of the Bhima Koregaon events,”. “We encourage the authorities to release these individuals, at the very least on bail while they await trial – in accordance with the High Commissioner’s call to decongest prisons during the pandemic.” UN Human Rights Body The UN body also noted that some of these detainees were “elderly and in poor health”. Varvara Rao, an 80-year-old poet and activist, and 83-year old tribal rights activist Father Stan Swamy, who suffers from Parkinson’s disease, are among many jailed in the case. It reiterated Michelle Bachelet’s, the UN human rights body’s high commissioner, earlier call to the Centre to ensure that no one was “detained for exercising their rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly – and to do its utmost, in law and policy, to protect India’s robust civil society”. Bachelet had in October expressed concern over the use of “vaguely defined laws” such as the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act and Unlawful Activities Prevention Act to “stifle the voices” of activists and non-governmental organisations in India. In a statement, she had highlighted Swamy’s arrest. “Most recently, the 83-year-old Catholic priest Stan Swamy, a long-standing activist engaged in defending the rights of marginalised groups, was charged and reportedly remains in detention, despite his poor health,” read her statement. Bachelet had asked the government to ensure that arrests were not made for exercising rights to freedom. The UN Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights Defenders had criticised the government’s treatment of human rights activists such as Swamy,. “India is a state which doesn’t properly protect human rights defenders,” Mary Lawlor had said. “I am appalled by the treatment of human rights defenders such as Father Stan Swamy, who embodies solidarity.” Lawlor had said that she and the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention had written to the Indian government in November over the arrest of human rights activists but had not received a reply yet. “Governments are given a 60-day period during which they are expected to reply,”. Further, rights group Human Rights Watch in its “World Report 2021”, released on January 20, said the Narendra Modi-led government harassed, detained and prosecuted its critics through “politically motivated” cases and regulations in the last year. The report took note of the Union government’s decisions and the ruling BJP’s involvement in several incidents like the clampdown in Jammu and Kashmir, violence in Delhi in February, cases against activists in the Bhima Koregaon case, and crackdown on foreign funds of non-governmental organisations. The report had mentioned the arrest of activists in the Bhima Koregaon case, stating that the police investigations was “biased and aimed at silencing dissent”. “Indian authorities brought politically motivated cases, including under draconian sedition and terrorism laws, against human rights defenders, student activists, academics, opposition leaders, and critics,”. Read India UN Relations The Bhima Koregaon case Several activists and academics have been accused of making inflammatory speeches at the Elgar Parishad conclave held at Shaniwar Wada in Pune on December 31, 2017, which the authorities claim triggered violence at Bhima-Koregaon war memorial the next day. One person was killed and several others were injured in the incident. The first chargesheetwas filed by the Pune Police in November 2018, which ran to over 5,000 pages. It had named activists Sudhir Dhawale, Rona Wilson, Surendra Gadling, Shoma Sen, Mahesh Raut, all of whom were arrested in June 2018. The police had claimed that those arrested had “active links” with the banned Communist Party of India (Maoist), and accused activists of plotting to kill Prime Minister Narendra Modi. A supplementary chargesheet was filed later in February 2019, against human rights activists Sudha Bharadwaj, Varavara Rao, Arun Ferreira, Vernon Gonsalves and banned Communist Party of India (Maoist) leader Ganapathy. The accused were charged with “waging war against the nation” and spreading the ideology of the CPI (Maoist), besides creating caste conflicts and hatred in the society. The Centre transferred the case to the National Investigation Agency in January 2020 after the Bharatiya Janata Party government in Maharashtra, led by Devendra Fadnavis, was defeated. Eight people who have been named in the NIA chargesheet for the January 2018 violence are former IIT professor Anand Teltumbde, his brother Milind Teltumbde, activist-journalist Gautam Navlakha, Delhi University associate professor Hany Babu, Three members of the cultural group Kabir Kala Manch and Swamy. Of them, Milind Teltumbde has been named as an absconding accused and top operative of CPI (Maoist) in the chargesheet. Enroll today with the best civils service academy and take your first step towards your Civils journey. Feel free to reach out to us for any inquiries, collaborations, or support. We’re here to help. join now

Kanjli Wetland

Kanjli Wetland Kanjli wetlandas Kali Bein Conservation Reserve will pave way for conservation of area which functions as water sponge by recharging ground water and meeting the water requirement for drinking and irrigation purpose for local people. Kanjli Wetland was formed in 1870 and declared Ramsar site in 2002. It is located on the Bein rivulet. This Wetland a reservoir spreading over 490 acres is home to multiple species of birds including night heron common Moorrthan, Pond heron, purple swanphen and white breasted kingfisher. It is a very popular site for bird watching and boating. The new status will help for protection of many flora and fauna species which are facing survival battle in this habitat. Kanjli is upstream of Harike wetland located in the Beas river basin. It is said that the erstwhile Maharaja of Kapurthala, Raja Randhir Singh, built the head regulator on the river Kali Bein, a tributary of Beas river to provide irrigation facility to local people, in year 1870. The headworks resulted into creation of Kanjli wetland, which also subsumes the Kanjli lake. Kali Bein feeds the Kanjli wetland which once used to be the habitat of ghariyal, critically endangered species. Since the state government has already introduced ghariyal in Harike water system which is ecologically quite similar to Kanjli . Thus the wildlife department is now considering Kanjli wetland as alternative site for reintroduction of ghariyal in near future. “There is 26 hectare of forest area created along the Kali Bein which provides an excellent habitat for both flora and fauna. This includes variety of plant communities Obligate Hydrophytic to Obligate Xerophytic found in the area. Incidentally, it is the only wetland in the Punjab which supports population of unique insectivore’s plant known as Utricularia Australis or Yellow Bladderworts. The Conservation reservewill ensure survival of many such unique species. This includes those who are not directly dependent on wetland. Like bat colonies roosting on peripheries are common sight in the wetland. Flying Fox, one of the bat species, which has been slotted in the category of Near Threatened by International Union of Conservation of Nature (IUCN), will benefit from the new enhanced status,” . Read Also Keoladeo National Park Enroll today with the best civils service academy and take your first step towards your Civils journey. Feel free to reach out to us for any inquiries, collaborations, or support. We’re here to help. join now

Political Crisis in Nepal

Political Crisis in Nepal A dozen petitions have been filed in the Supreme Court challenging the dissolution with two years left of the present House’s tenure. Each faction has also approached the Election Commission claiming it is the real party. Oli’s battles: Oli is fighting a losing battle in the party. He has declared that the next election will be held on April 30 and May 10 next year with him leading a caretaker government, but his fate will be decided by agitating crowds and the Supreme Court. There’s also a movement for restoration of Nepal as a Hindu kingdom. His move has created bitterness between the breakaway communist group he leads and other parties. Oli got his followers to padlock the party office, effectively bringing it under his control, but going by the numbers in the dissolved Parliament, the Central Secretariat, the Standing Committee and the Central Committee, Oli is in a minority. But with Parliament dissolved and with a President seen as favourable to him, Oli will have the power to rule without being accountable to none. The dissolution came hours before a Standing Committee meeting that was expected to order a probe into corruption charges levelled against him by party co-chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal Prachanda. The unification & its end Prachanda led the Maoist insurgency for a decade (1996-2006) before joining mainstream politics. Oli was a fierce critic of the politics of violence that caused more than 17,000 deaths. But Oli approached the Maoists in 2017 for a merger between their parties, pre-empting the possibility of an alliance between the Maoists and the Nepali Congress that may have come in the way of Oli’s prime ministerial ambitions. Oli was leading the Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Marxist Leninist, and Prachanda represented the Nepal Communist Party (Maoist). Following the merger, the two leaders agreed that they would lead the government by turn, a promise that Oli did not honour at the end of his two-and-a-half years, thus sowing the seeds of separation. Now, as a split appears inevitable, Oli is hoping to continue in power with those following him. Questions over Constitution What has happened has left a question mark over the Constitution of 2015, and its key features like federalism, secularism and republic. There are already popular protests on the streets. The split in a party with a two-thirds majority has raised concerns that it may lead to a systemic collapse. “We will go for a decisive nationwide movement to have this Constitution dumped,” said Balakrishna Neupane, convener of an ongoing citizens’ movement. Constitution & dissolution Dissolution of the House is not new in Nepal, but this is the first such instance after the new Constitution of 2015 that places safeguards against dissolution. “The new constitution does not envisage such a step without exploring formation of an alternative government,”. The 1991 Constitution, scrapped in 2006, had provisions for dissolution of Parliament at the Prime Minister’s prerogative. During the time it was in force, Parliament was dissolved thrice. The first Parliament elected in 1991 was dissolved on the recommendation of Prime Minister G P Koirala after he failed to have a vote on thanks motion by the King passed in the House. The Supreme Court upheld that dissolution. But in 1995, the Supreme Court rejected the dissolution by Prime Minister Manmohan Adhikary after a no-trust motion had been tabled but before the loss of majority was proved. The court held that the executive did not have the right to snatch an issue under consideration of the legislature. The third time, Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba dissolved Parliament in 2002 and the Supreme Court upheld it. King Gyanendra revived Parliament in April 2006. Opposition stakes The opposition Nepali Congress and the Madhes-based Janata Samajbadi Party have reasons to hope than an early poll will earn them a bigger space in Parliament. But it fears that the likely street protest and violence, besides the onset of rain in late April and early May, could be used as an excuse to further defer the election. The Nepali Congress or the Janata Samajbadi Party have, however, not been very proactive in Parliament in countering the government. The Army The Nepal Army has made it clear that it will remain neutral in the ongoing political developments. This implies that if Oli tries to rule with the help of security forces to maintain law and order and contain protests, it is uncertain how far the Army will play along. The China factor China has been a big factor in Nepal’s internal politics since 2006. It is seen as having lobbied, visible or secret, to prevent the split. China has also invested in crucial sectors like trade and Investment, energy, tourism and post-earthquake reconstruction, and is Nepal’s biggest FDI contributor. It has increased its presence in Nepal because of a perception that India played a crucial role in the 2006 political change. Enroll today with the best civils service academy and take your first step towards your Civils journey. Feel free to reach out to us for any inquiries, collaborations, or support. We’re here to help. join now

Centenary of the Chauri Chaura Incident

Centenary of the Chauri Chaura Incident Chauri Chaura is a town in Gorakhpur district of Uttar Pradesh. The town of Chauri Chaura was the scene of a violent incident with far-reaching consequences during the freedom struggle a century ago On 4thFebruary, 1922, this town witnessed a violent incident – a large crowd of peasants set on fire a police station that killed 22 policemen. Due to this incident Mahatma Gandhi called off the Non-Cooperation Movement (1920-22). Key Points – Chauri Chaura whose name derives from that of two villages — is a town in Gorakhpur district, about halfway between Gorakhpur and Deoria. It has a small railway station, which initially put Chauri Chaura on the map. The town was the scene of a violent incident with far-reaching consequences during the freedom struggle a century ago. The incident: On February 4, 1922, a large crowd of peasants set on fire the police station in Chauri Chaura, killing 22 policemen. According to Shahid Amin’s Event, Metaphor, Memory: Chauri Chaura, 1922-1992, the best known historical reconstruction of the incident and its aftermath, this is what happened: On August 1, 1920, Gandhi had launched the Non-Cooperation (Asahayog) Movement against the government, which involved a boycott of foreign goods, especially machine-made cloth, and legal, educational and administrative institutions, “refusing to assist a ruler who misrules”. As the movement gathered momentum over the next year and a half, large numbers of volunteers became active across the country. In the winter of 1921-22, volunteers of the Congress and the Khilafat movement were organised into a national volunteer corps. In mid-January 1922, after a meeting addressed by a functionary of the Gorakhpur Congress and Khilafat Committees, peasant “officers” were appointed to fill out pledges of non-cooperation, collect subscriptions, and lead the picketing of shops selling foreign items. A few days before the February 4 incident, police cracked down on volunteers who were trying to stop trade in foreign cloth, and enforce a just price for meat and fish, and severely beat up one Bhagwan Ahir, a demobilised soldier from the British Indian Army. On February 4, volunteers congregated in the town, and after a meeting, proceeded in a procession to the local police station, and to picket the nearby Mundera bazaar. They ignored warning shots fired in the air by police — “‘bullets have turned into water by the grace of Gandhiji’ was the construction put by the crowd”, Amin wrote — and pelted the police with stones. The police fired into the crowd, killing three people and injuring many others. A volcano of anger then erupted, there was heavy brickbatting, and the policemen were forced to flee inside the thana. The crowd proceeded to douse the building with kerosene and to set it on fire. Some of the policemen who tried to escape were caught and battered to death, some others managed to escape by throwing away their conspicuous red turbans, which the angry crowd tore to shreds. A lot of police property, including weapons, was destroyed. The volunteers saw the “abolition of the thana” as a sign of the arrival of “Gandhi raj”. Read Also Khudiram Bose – India’s youngest revolutionary freedom fighters The fallout: The severely rattled establishment of the Raj prosecuted the accused aggressively. Raids and repression followed immediately, lists of volunteers were compiled, and large numbers of suspects were rounded up. A sessions court quickly sentenced as many as 172 of the 225 accused to death. Ultimately, 19 of those convicted were sent to the gallows. Gandhi, who was deeply disturbed by the incident, condemned the “crime” of the policemen’s killing. The volunteer groups in the nearby villages were disbanded, and a Chauri Chaura Support Fund was set up to demonstrate “genuine sympathy” and seek prayashchit (atonement). Gandhi decided to stop the Non-Cooperation Movement, which he saw as having been tainted by unforgivable violence. He bent the Congress Working Committee to his will, and on February 12, 1922, the satyagraha was formally suspended. The churn In his An Autobiography, first published in 1936, Jawaharlal Nehruwrote how he and other leaders of the national movement, then in prison, had heard “to our amazement and consternation, that Gandhiji had stopped the aggressive aspects of our struggle, that he had suspended civil resistance…when we seemed to be consolidating our position”. This made them “angry”, Nehru wrote, “but our disappointment and anger in prison could do little good to any one”. Other leaders like Motilal Nehru, C R Das, and Subhas Bose too, recorded their bewilderment at Gandhi’s decision. The Mahatma on his part, justified himself on grounds of his unshakeable faith in non-violence: “I would suffer every humiliation, every torture, absolute ostracism and death itself to prevent the movement from becoming violent.” Historians such as Bipan Chandra have argued that Gandhi’s strategy of non-violence was based on the premise that the use of repressive force against non-violent protesters would expose and weaken the semi-hegemonic character of the colonial state, and incidents such as Chauri Chaura defeated that strategy; also, that “withdrawal or shift to a phase of non-confrontation is an inherent part of a strategy of political action that is based on the masses… (It) is not tantamount to betrayal; it is an inevitable part of the strategy itself”. Outcome The disillusionment resulting from the suspension of the Non-Cooperation Movement nudged many of the younger Indian nationalists towards the conclusion that India would not be able to throw off the colonial yoke through non-violence. It was from the ranks of these impatient patriots that some of India’s most beloved revolutionaries were to arise in the years to come — Jogesh Chatterjee, Ramprasad Bismil, Sachin Sanyal, Ashfaqulla Khan, Jatin Das, Bhagat Singh, Bhagwati Charan Vohra, Masterda Surya Sen, and many others. Enroll today with the best civils service academy and take your first step towards your Civils journey. Feel free to reach out to us for any inquiries, collaborations, or support. We’re here to help. join now

SVAMITVA Scheme

SVAMITVA Scheme SVAMITVA Schemeis a Central Sector scheme launched by Hon’ble Prime Minister of India on National Panchayat Day i.e 24th April 2020. The Ministry of Panchayati Raj (MoPR) is the Nodal Ministry for implementation of the scheme. In the States, the Revenue Department / Land Records Department will be the Nodal Department and shall carry out the scheme with support of State Panchayati Raj Department. Survey of India shall work as the technology partner for implementation. SVAMITVA Scheme Aims: To provide an integrated property validation solution for rural India. The demarcation of rural abadi areas would be done using Drone Surveying technology. This would provide the ‘record of rights’ to village household owners possessing houses in inhabited rural areas in villages which, in turn, would enable them to use their property as a financial asset for taking loans and other financial benefits from Bank Ojectives: – To bring financial stability to the citizens in rural India by enabling them to use their property as a financial asset for taking loans and other financial benefits. Creation of accurate land records for rural planning. Determination of property tax, which would accrue to the GPs directly in States where it is devolved or else, add to the State exchequer. Creation of survey infrastructure and GIS maps that can be leveraged by any department for their use. To support in preparation of better-quality Gram Panchayat Development Plan (GPDP) by making use of GIS maps. To reduce property related disputes and legal cases Central Sector Scheme: Under Central sector schemes, it is 100% funded by the Union government and implemented by the Central Government machinery. Central sector schemes are mainly formulated on subjects from the Union List.In addition, the Central Ministries also implement some schemes directly in States/UTs which are called Central Sector Schemes but resources under these Schemes are not generally transferred to States. Read Also Saubhagya Scheme Enroll today with the best civils service academy and take your first step towards your Civils journey. Feel free to reach out to us for any inquiries, collaborations, or support. We’re here to help. join now

Uttarakhand glacier burst

Uttarakhand glacier burst – Dhauliganga’s water level at Joshimath breaches records, say Central Water Commission The water level of the Dhauliganga river at Joshimath flowed at a perilously high level, breaching all records, Central Water Commission officials said after a part of the Nanda Devi glacier broke off in Uttarakhand’s Chamoli district leading to massive floods. The glacial burst triggered an avalanche and a deluge in the Alaknanda river system that washed away hydroelectric stations and trapped more than 100 labourers who are feared dead. The intensity of the river’s flow in a short span of time was such that it engulfed whatever came in its way. This was a grim reminder of the Kedarnath deluge of 2013 which led to widespread devastation in the ecologically fragile Himalayan region. “At 11 am, the water level recorded at Joshimath was 1,388m,” Saumitra Haldar, chairman, Central Water Commission told PTI. During the 2013 Uttarakhand flash floods, the highest flood level (HFL) at Joshimath was 1,385.54m,. However, by 6 p.m. on February 7, the water level of the river had reached the normal levels recorded a day before, said Rajesh Kumar, the superintendent engineer (Upper and Middle Ganga division) of the Central Water Commission. At Joshimath, which bore the fury of floods, the water level recorded at 1 p.m. on February 6 was 1,372.58m. At 6 p.m. on February 7, hours after the disaster, the water level was 1,375m. UPSC Prelims Mock Test  In Nandprayag, at the lower stretches of the river, the water level at 6 p.m. was 840.40m. A day before, it was 848.30m at 1 p.m. Mr. Kumar said the situation was similar in Rudraprayag, Srinagar, Devprayag, Rishikesh and Devprayag. The water level at the Srinagar Hydroelectric Project was also at the Mean Draw Down Level which helped accommodate excess flow from the upper stretches. The sudden flood in the middle of the day in the Dhauliganga, Rishiganga and Alaknanda rivers — all intricately linked tributaries of the Ganga— triggered widespread panic and large-scale devastation in the high mountain areas. Two power projects — NTPC’s Tapovan-Vishnugad hydel project and the Rishi Ganga Hydel Project — were extensively damaged with scores of labourers trapped in tunnels as the waters came rushing in. At least 12 men were rescued safely from a tunnel in the Tapovan project but at least 125 were still missing. As night fell in the ecologically fragile Himalayas and rescue work in the difficult to access areas became more difficult, there were fears they may be dead. Enroll today with the best civils service academy and take your first step towards your Civils journey. Feel free to reach out to us for any inquiries, collaborations, or support. We’re here to help. join now